We keep countless men from being good citizens by the conditions of life with which we surround them. The following chapters expand on his view for America. Chicago Daily Tribune, September 1, 1910. Conservation is a great moral issue for it involves the patriotic duty of insuring the safety and continuance of the nation. His progressive policies influenced the direction that the country would take in the twentieth century.
No man who carries the burden of the special privileges of another can give to the commonwealth that service to which it is fairly entitled. Every special interest is entitled to justice-full, fair, and complete-and, now, mind you, if there were any attempt by mob-violence to plunder and work harm to the special interest, whatever it may be, that I most dislike, and the wealthy man, whomsoever he may be, for whom I have the greatest contempt, I would fight for him, and you would if you were worth your salt. Specifically I will deal with his labor policies and his new nationalism policy. It is worse in the field of politics. The Hepburn Act, and the amendment to the act in the shape in which it finally passed Congress at the last session, represent a long step in advance, and we must go yet further. Now, let the working man hear his side.
That makes sense - he had been i Following Barack Obama's recent economic speech in Osawatomie, Kansas, like you, I've been puzzling over the question of whether Teddy Roosevelt intended to reference the abolitionist insurgent John Brown in his choice of Osawatomie for his 1910 New Nationalism speech, and thus whether Barack Obama can be understood to have obliquely but intentionally referenced John Brown as well. Part of our debt to him is because he forecast our present struggle and saw the way out. We should permit it to be gained only so long as the gaining represents benefit to the community. Even in ordinary times there are very few of us who do not see the problems of life as through a glass, darkly; and when the glass is clouded by the murk of furious popular passion, the vision of the best and the bravest is dimmed. You had to have the administration at Washington good, just as you had to have the administration in the field; and you had to have the work of the generals good. Although Roosevelt had effectively designated Taft as his successor and continued to esteem him personally, Taft wanted no part of the rising Progressive movement in American politics.
In working out the invitation list, White stressed the need of having all the factional faithfuls present, as well as moderate Republicans. National efficiency has to do, not only with natural resources and with men, but it is equally concerned with institutions. It was there that Stubbs' telegram reached him. Our common interests are as broad as the continent. In our day it appears as the struggle of freemen to gain and hold the right of self-government as against the special interests, who twist the methods of free government into machinery for defeating the popular will. A word of special warning to my fellow citizens who are as progressive as I hope I am. Its editor thought he was a bit of both! Roosevelt's Speech: Obama's Speech: Finally, because I know this is bothering many of you, how is it possible that Teddy Roosevelt delivered his New Nationalism speech to a reported 30,000 people in Osawatomie in 1910? Roosevelt defined what it was to be a progressive, and why the true nationalists and patriots were progressives — and environmentalists: Of all the questions which can come before this nation, short of the actual preservation of its existence in a great war, there is none which compares in importance with the great central task of leaving this land even a better land for our descendants than it is for us, and training them into a better race to inhabit the land and pass it on.
Again, comrades over there, take the lesson from your own experience. Its first stop was in Tribune, where 300 people awaited him, but at Scott City the largest crowds had gathered. Why was that town chosen for such an auspicious moment in history? The New Nationalism puts the national need before sectional or personal advantage. For every special interest is entitled to justice, but not one is entitled to a vote in Congress, to a voice on the bench, or to representation in any public office. Its powers, and, therefore, its efficiency, as well as that of the Interstate Commerce Commission, should be largely increased. One of the chief factors in progress is the destruction of special privilege. They joined the ex-President's cavalcade as it crossed Kansas.
No man who carries the burden of special privileges of another can give to the commonwealth that service to which it is fairly entitled Now, this means that our government, national and state, must be freed from the sinister influence or control of special interests. That voice also made him the bulwark of the Progressive Movement. We must have I believe we have already-a genuine and permanent moral awakening, without which no wisdom of legislation or administration really means anything; and, on the other hand, we must try to secure the social and economic legislation without which any improvement due to purely moral agitation is necessarily evanescent. The material progress and prosperity of a nation are desirable chiefly so long as they lead to the moral and material welfare of all good citizens. That farmer is a poor creature who skins the land and leaves it worthless to his children. There must remain no neutral ground to serve as a refuge for lawbreakers, and especially for lawbreakers of great wealth, who can hire the vulpine legal cunning which will teach them how to avoid both jurisdictions. How this was accomplished is not altogether clear.
All I ask in civil life is what you fought for in the Civil War. At stake is the very survival of a country where working people can earn enough to raise a family, build a modest savings, own a home, and secure their retirement. Commissions and groups of 'experts' that are removed from political pressure. People forget now that one hundred years ago there were public men of good character who advocated the nation selling its public lands in great quantities, so that the nation could get the most money out of it, and giving it to the men who could cultivate it for their own uses. It is a misfortune when the national legislature fails to do its duty in providing a national remedy, so that the only national activity is the purely negative activity of the judiciary in forbidding the State to exercise power in the premises. The text of the speech can be found here: Some highlights: Quote from Roosevelt: The Hepburn Act, and the amendment to the act in the shape in which it finally passed Congress at the last session, represent a long step in advance, and we must go yet further. So it is in our civil life.
There is a wide-spread belief among our people that, under the methods of making tariffs which have hitherto obtained, the special interests are too influential. I should be heartily ashamed of any American who did not try to make the American Government act as justly toward the other nations in international relations as be himself would act toward any individual in private relations. It is impatient of the utter confusion that results from local legislatures attempting to treat national issues as local issues. After such a speech, Roosevelt caused the already strained Republican Party to break and created the Progressive, or Bull Moose, Party in time for the 1912 election year. I stand for the square deal. It is hardly necessary to me to repeat that I believe in an efficient army and a navy large enough to secure for us abroad that respect which is the surest guaranty of peace.