If this Bill becomes an Act, it is possible that what London does today the rest of the country will do tomorrow. Evans is right, because Section 54 6 of the 1839 Act does, in fact, refer to: Every person who shall cause any Cart, public Carriage, Sledge … to stand longer than may be necessary for loading or unloading … and so on. Then there are those hon. In those three years the charges brought have been in 1955, 3,261; in 1956, 3,400, a small increase; but in 1957 the figure had risen to 4,294, an increase in charges brought under that paragraph 13 of nearly one-third, nearly 32 per cent. By 1929, it was apparent that the problem of crime in London warranted some action by the government. The said principles include… 1732 Words 7 Pages years ago modern law enforcement begun with the London Metropolitan Police district in 1829.
We have built up a magnificent probation service. Gentleman that I have made inquiries on that point and as far as my researches have revealed, no prosecutions for offences of the nature which my hon. Curiously enough, they provide the same penalty as this Bill provides. I had always thought that the explanation which the right hon. Remnant as to the reason for the sparse attendance in the House today.
People would then be deterred from hitting old ladies over the head, and the police would be doing their proper job, instead of wasting their time prosecuting people who wish, in the normal sense of the word, to be law-abiding citizens. People who treat their guests in that way ought also to be treated with contempt. It will be for the hon. Where appropriate, of course, it has been used, but not for the kind of offences that I have in mind, and further reference to it will not, I think, help us very much. If someone played a musical instrument in the street and one did not like it, one went out and sent him away or sent a manservant to move him. Friend the Member for Hendon, South Sir H. There are additional ways of approaching the problem.
Nevertheless, we really do seem to have too many policemen going round taking the numbers of people's cars. The question is whether it is right to do so, bearing in mind that we are dealing to a great extent with exhibitionists. There are two things which have nearly always impressed them about this country. On the other hand, if one looks back to 1936, when the then Home Secretary, Sir John Simon, as he then was, introduced the Bill, and looks at the carefully chosen works which he used on that occasion, I doubt very much indeed whether it can be said that the sort of offence which I have in mind can really be the subject of a prosecution under the 1936 Act. I feel that in a very large number of cases, imprisonment would do more harm than good. I have taken a great deal of advice about this Bill, and it has been suggested to me that the , already prescribes very much severer penalties for this type of behaviour and that there is, therefore, no necessity for the Bill. A slightly narrower one was given earlier by the right hon.
Developments which have occurred since 1839 and since the previous Act have caused a much more enlightened view on these matters. If this is really a very heinous crime, let us increase the penalty. Bill accordingly read a Second time. The potato disease in 1845, bringing with it the certainty of in Ireland, completed the. Nevertheless, a majority of his party voted against him, and a smaller number joined the opposition to bring about his defeat and resignation later the same month. Concern about the dangers posed by the new motor vehicle led to a Royal Commission on Traffic in 1904.
It has been observed that what is said in Manchester today is said in the rest of the country next week. For illustrative purposes he defined the dimensions of the sector as x in the horizontal direction and as y in the vertical direction. If bigger fines were imposed for prostitution we should not have half the present number of prostitutes on the streets and the police would not have to pull in every morning a mass of ladies who automatically get fined a comparatively small sum which they willingly pay, afterwards going back on to the streets the same night. The difficulty is that these knives are legitimately used in certain types of manual occupation, and it is very difficult for their use to be prohibited completely. This will cover, in detail, how these officers went down the wrong path to self-destruct their own departments.
Friends that the existence of Section 5 of the 1936 Act and the high penalties which go with it does not make it any less useful to increase the penalties in Section 54 13 of the 1839 Act. These three conditions fit in completely with some of the ideas I have formed on this subject, but there is, in my view, a kind of Achilles heel in them. I am not a believer in imposing heavy sentences. This degree course will equip you with the essential concepts and theories that underpin contemporary social policy and criminology, together with the skills required to evaluate and implement policy initiatives. They could, I think, be made within the Long Title of the Bill, although it would be exceedingly difficult for them to be made without some very general recasting. I think that the Bill can do no harm.
Friend instanced a number of reasons for that. The licensee of the house may decline to serve him, and he may then commit a savage assault upon the licensee. Quite obviously, as consideration is being given by the Government to the Wolfenden Report, it would be inexpedient at present to recommend imprisonment for that kind of offence. Friend the Member for Billericay who used such insulting words about this Bill—although I know he did not mean them—that one can always argue that a Measure is inadequate to meet the point, that it does not go far enough, and that the realistic thing to do is to realise that, if one were to attempt as a private Member to embark upon wholesale amending of the law, one would very quickly become bogged down, as has been very lucidly explained by my hon. If the Bill can be extended in Committee, probably the Home Office would agree that some of the other provisions of the 1839 Act might be covered. People would get themselves home, instead of disporting themselves in the street and being abusive in the knowledge that if caught they would get away with a comparatively small fine.